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Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Congress. Show all posts

Saturday, October 15, 2011

Congress, Administration Discuss Next Steps on Iran

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AppId is over the quota

Americans are rightfully praising U.S. law enforcement officials for stopping an alleged Iranian terror plot to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in a Washington eatery—an act of war, some argue—on U.S. soil. Thanks to them, no harm was done to either the main target, Ambassador Adel Al-Jubei, or bystanders in Washington.

So, without having to struggle with collateral damage, lawmakers and the Obama administration can now focus on ratcheting up the pressure on Iran.

[Read: Terror Plot's Mystery Link to Iran]

On Thursday, members of the Obama administration appeared before the Senate Banking Committee to assess already implemented sanctions on Iran. The hearing, which had been planned weeks before the plot was made public showed that lawmakers and the administration are looking toward the bigger problems posed by Iran, from its domestic human rights violations to its developing nuclear threat.

"Although sanctions have helped to limit Iran's military capabilities, the events of this week demonstrate that Iran remains determined to find new avenues to carry out acts of terrorism," said Alabama Republican Sen. Richard Shelby, the committee's ranking member. "Moreover, because Iran continues its efforts to develop nuclear weapons, failure to effectively enforce sanctions against Iran could have catastrophic results in just a few years. We cannot afford to be one step behind Iran."

Almost immediately after Attorney General Eric Holder announced the charges against Iranians Manssor Arbabsiar, the naturalized U.S. citizen who had been orchestrating the terror plot, and his alleged accomplice in the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps' Qods Force, Gholam Shakuri, the Treasury Department responded with sanctions of its own. Treasury placed additional sanctions on both accused men, as well as three other top Qods officials. On Wednesday, they also issued sanctions against Iranian airline Mahan Air, which has been linked with the Qods Force.

[Read: Iran Has Much to Lose if Syria's Assad Falls]

In addition to continued sanctions imposed on Iran over the years, senators are floating a number of potential ways that the United States can better enforce its sanctions against Iran and push allies to do the same.

Illinois Republican Sen. Mark Kirk says he has bipartisan support in the Senate for calling on the United States to work toward disabling the Iranian central bank, a measure that would cut off funding for the revolutionary guard corps. So far, according to the Treasury Department's Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence David Cohen, U.S. officials have been encouraging banks around the world to stop doing business with Iran's central bank and financial industry. Additional sanctions under the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act, which went into effect last year, gave the Treasury the power to issue other nations' banks an ultimatum. Cohen said it allows U.S. officials to tell the banks, "You have a choice to make. You can continue to do business with the United States, or you can continue to do business with designated Iranian banks, but you can't do both." "It has been tremendously effective," Cohen testified.

New Jersey Democratic Sen. Robert Menendez has also proposed legislation that would close a loophole in current sanctions that allows European refiners to use Iranian crude oil in gasoline exported to the United States. And Montana Democratic Sen. Jon Tester pushed the administration to reconsider the enforcement of sanctions on foreign subsidies of U.S. companies, in response to reports earlier this month that said an American company, Koch Industries, of bypassing sanctions laws.

The Obama administration has been considering other measures, officials said, including working harder to persuade countries like China, Spain, Japan, South Korea, and Turkey to limit their business with Iran's energy sector, on which its economy and military forces rely. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman said American diplomats have been trying to persuade foreign governments to increase the pressure on Iran since news of the proposed attack broke. Senators, like Kirk, are also pushing the administration to designate the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps a terrorist organization.



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Monday, October 3, 2011

11 Things Wrong With Congress

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America needs to rally.

Jobs are pitifully scarce. Incomes are falling. The U.S. government, like many American families, has taken on too much debt. The hangover from a brutal recession now looks like it could last for years, with the once-dominant U.S. economy sliding into a chronic state of disrepair.

[See how to escape the middle-class squeeze.]

During pivotal moments in the past, Congress has helped steer the nation back toward prosperity with bipartisan action like the tax reforms of 1986 and the welfare reform that passed a decade later. In 2008, Congress passed emergency bank-bailout legislation that turned out to be unpopular, but probably saved the nation from a financial meltdown and the first depression since the 1930s.

These days, however, Congress has lost its mojo. Recent negotiations over extending the government's credit limit turned into a fiasco, with needless fighting and a weak last-minute deal that left the biggest issues to be decided later. The dysfunctional squabbling over such a vital element of the global economy led, of course, to a downgrade of the nation's credit rating and a plunge in consumer confidence—just as economists began to worry that a double-dip recession might occur.

Now, Americans expect Congress to cause more problems than it solves. Nobody on Capitol Hill is in a hurry to enact President Obama's $447 billion plan to create jobs and provide tax relief, or provide a workable alternative. More big battles over the debt are on the horizon. Even routine spending bills bog down over political disputes, as if it's a fine time for government to go on holiday. No wonder 82 percent of Americans say they disapprove of the job Congress is doing, a far worse rating than they give President Obama, or practically anybody.

What's wrong? The founding fathers knew that the legislature they created would be rancorous and petty at times. We seem to be at an especially low ebb, however, with members of Congress acting as if they're the last to know about vexing problems facing the nation. Here are 11 reasons why Congress seems so out-of-touch.

[See a slide show of 11 things wrong with Congress.]

Too many rich people. About 1 percent of all Americans are millionaires, but roughly 46 percent of those serving in Congress have a net worth of $1 million or more, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. There's nothing wrong with being rich. But there is a problem when the people creating tax and economic policy for the whole nation are unfamiliar with the kind of financial stress faced by a typical family with a median income of less than $50,000 per year.

[See why baby boomers are bummed out.]

The 2010 elections brought more than 100 new faces and a zeal for reform to Capitol Hill. But Congress remained a rather elite group. More than 40 percent of newly elected representatives, and 60 percent of new senators, are millionaires, according to CRP. Congress may even have gotten richer, overall, thanks to the influx of new money—at a time when America as a whole is getting poorer.

Automatic pay raises. Every year, members of Congress get an automatic cost-of-living increase in their pay, which is now $174,000 per year—about 3.4 times as much as the average worker earns. For the last two years, Congress has voted to forego its annual raise. One bill introduced this year would cut members' pay by 5 percent, while another would dock pay for every day the government fails to operate. But such token bills come up every now and then, and never garner meaningful support. Meanwhile, many Americans would be delighted to earn the same amount of money they did a couple of years ago, instead of getting by on reduced pay or part-time work that doesn't nearly cover all the bills.

Gold-plated benefits. Few Americans get a full pension anymore, while health benefits dwindle every year and many companies evade the cost of benefits by hiring part-timers and independent contractors instead of full-time staffers. But in Congress, the good times roll on and on. Members of Congress are eligible for two types of retirement plans and a retirement healthcare plan that in nearly every way are more generous than benefits typically offered to private-sector workers. In Congress's version of a 401(k) plan, for example, Uncle Sam (funded by taxpayers) matches contributions up to 5 percent of pay, while in private-sector plans the company match is usually 3 percent--and some companies don't even offer matching funds anymore.

A recent study by the Taxpayers Protection Alliance, a nonprofit research group, found that fringe benefits for members of Congress are worth about $82,000 per year—which raises total compensation to well over $250,000. There may be a retirement crisis in many parts of America—but not on Capitol Hill.

[See who would win under Obama's jobs plan.]

Free parking. In addition to generous pay and gilded benefits, members of Congress enjoy a long list of conveniences and other perks, including free parking at their workplace on Capitol Hill and at priority lots at Washington, D.C.'s two airports. Small rules, it seems, don't apply to them either.

Lobbyists. For every member of Congress, there are about 22 registered lobbyists plying the halls of the Capitol, throwing fundraisers, donating money, and manipulating legislation to the benefit of their clients. A recent tally by website TPMMuckraker found that at least 172 federal lobbyists are former members of Congress. Some critics think this "shadow Congress"—funded by corporations and various interest groups--is nearly as powerful as the real one. Whatever the case, lobbyists certainly have more sway over Congress than voters writing plaintive letters or placing earnest calls to their elected officials.

Earmarks. Congress has temporarily banned these pet spending projects, which evade ordinary budgeting procedures and often amount to home-district favors for donors or supporters. But some lawmakers want them back, including Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, a Democrat, who insists that Congress knows how to spend money better than bureaucrats in the executive branch. Many reform groups oppose earmarks, with the National Taxpayers Union arguing that the horse-trading involved is often a way of rounding up votes and getting lawmakers to support (or oppose) measures they might treat differently on the merits alone. A test will come in 2013, when the next Congress will either extend the ban, or revoke it and start delivering overdue favors.

[See how faltering governments are sinking the markets.]

Speeches to nobody. Back in the 1980s, when C-Span began broadcasting congressional business, some members started giving speeches to an empty chamber just to get on TV—with viewers at home unaware of the charade. Posturing for the cameras is now routine in Congress, where many legislators cultivate an on-screen avatar that's often more partisan and sensational than the lawmaker tends to be in person. Expanded TV coverage of Congress is a welcome bit of sunshine, but TV creates a false sense of dialogue with voters: While it transports members of Congress into living rooms across America, it does not offer viewers a louder voice in Washington.

A lack of competition. Setting up an alternate legislative branch would probably be unworkable, but it might spur Congress to eliminate a multitude of outdated practices that make it one of America's most inefficient and opaque institutions. In the vaunted private sector—extolled by politicians of every party—competition forces companies and workers to stay sharp and productive, or bear the consequences of obsolescence. Congress, by contrast, still operates by ancient procedures and dallies indefinitely on business that seems urgent to most people, like addressing the weak economy or the mushrooming national debt. There's no measure of effectiveness for Congress as a whole, and some members even insist that gridlock—a euphemism for accomplishing nothing—is in the nation's interest. Try that one on your boss some day, and see how long you last.

No penalty for ignorance. It was kind of quaint back in 2006 when now-deceased Sen. Ted Stevens of Alaska, a Republican, explained that the Internet is a "series of tubes." Yet members of Congress sometimes reveal a dangerous degree of ignorance on vitally important issues they have considerable power to regulate. Earlier this year, the science journal Nature argued that the House Energy and Commerce Committee had "entered the intellectual wilderness" by expressing "willful ignorance" on climate science. Over the summer, The Economist called Republican debt-ceiling negotiators "economically illiterate," as Michele Bachmann and others dismissed the idea that a default on the nation's debt would be economically damaging.

Just recently, Republican leaders sent Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke a letter that left economists scratching their heads over claims that a weaker dollar and more borrowing by consumers would harm the economy. You'd never know that Congress has its own library—one of the best in the world—plus a sizable staff of experts able to prepare detailed research reports on almost any issue.

[See what Bernanke might say to his GOP critics.]

The media. If an argumentative word is uttered in Washington, some news organization will be sure to report it, with a full reaction and counterargument from whoever was targeted by the offending jab. The press in all its forms—mainstream media, bloggers, and unvarnished opinionators--does a workmanlike job keeping up with the grind of activity in Washington. But it also focuses obsessively on spats, personalities, and the inside baseball of politics, while underreporting issues that matter more to real people. The press is more likely to cover what politicians say about poverty or jobs, for example, than what's really happening—especially if the politicos jazz up the story by criticizing each other's positions. This inflates the natural narcissism of politicians and encourages bickering, since lawmakers know they need only say something controversial to generate coverage.

Voters. Sorry, people, but regular citizens bear some of the blame for the sorry state of affairs in Washington. Politicians manipulate voters every day with half-truths—or outright lies—about taxes, spending, retirement, healthcare, immigration, and many other issues that directly affect the nation's prosperity. Too many voters embrace feel-good propaganda that they want to hear instead of learning the basic facts about issues they care about. They should do a better job of calling out dishonest politicians—and shunning media outlets that stoke political food fights. If voters want something better, they need to start by knowing what it might look like.

Twitter: @rickjnewman



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Monday, September 26, 2011

Congress Reluctantly Pulled Toward Shutdown

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AppId is over the quota

The leaves are turning. Tailgate parties and gridiron are dominating college campuses. Baseball playoffs are around the corner. About the last thing anyone wants to disrupt this early fall is another bruising game of chicken over the federal budget. And yet, something is slowly pulling Congress is slowly being pulled toward another government shutdown, over an issue which doesn't even represent half a percent of the discretionary federal budget.

On Thursday night, the House of Representatives finally passed a short term spending bill to keep government funded through November 18, and to provide $3.65 billion in disaster relief aid. Aside from cuts in a Department of Energy auto program, House leaders included another $100 million of cuts to the troubled federal program which gave an infamous loan to the now-defunct solar company Solyandra, as a way to court rebellious House conservatives. The Senate swiftly tabled the bill by a 59-36 vote, effectively killing. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid scheduled a 5:30 vote on Monday on a modified plan which would fund the government and provide disaster funds. While Democrats claim it's a compromise because the new funding bill gives less in disaster aid than they originally wanted, the key sticking point--whether it should be offset in some way or not--is unresolved, and both sides have dug their heels in on their position.

[See cartoons about the GOP.]

With a sighing attitude of "here we go again," lawmakers are repeating the process from the April government shutdown and the summer debt ceiling fight. They're holding press conferences to angrily point the finger at the other party. Both sides decry the travesty that victims of Hurricane Irene might have to wait for aid. The language is similar to what they said over the summer, but a bit more subdued. "Harry Reid is arguing with himself," House Majority Leader Eric Cantor said at a morning press conference. "This is why people don't like Washington." Democrats blamed the GOP for playing a political game. "To put a political agenda on [hurricane victims'] backs is unfair and wrong," New York Sen. Chuck Schumer said.

[See cartoons about the Democrats.]

Who's to blame this time? In the past two fights, it was clear that Republicans were the ones forcing the issue, whatever the merits of their case. This time around, Democrats arguably share some of the blame. It was Republicans who initially demanded that disaster relief be offset with spending cuts elsewhere, a position which was immediately controversial. But as recently as last week, Democrats such as House Appropriations Ranking Member Norman Dicks reluctantly agreed to the cuts which the GOP proposed as an offset. The Democratic leadership's abrupt decision to oppose that bill set off this round of brinkmanship. Now, the issue of whether $3.65 billion in disaster relief--about 0.35 percent of the $1.043 trillion the government is set to spend in its discretionary budget next year--is an ideological issue which neither party can afford to back down from, without some type of face-saving compromise.

There are still a few days to solve this. Full government funding won't run out until October 1. Funds for the Federal Emergency Management Agency will run out sometime sooner, although the parties aren't quite sure when, either next Wednesday according to the Democrats, or this coming Sunday according to the GOP. Reid urged the parties to take the weekend to "cool off" and come to an agreement, although he strongly rules out any proposal which would seek to offset the disaster funding. Both chambers were supposed to be in recess next week, but Reid indicated the Senate will stay in session, and the House may follow.

Whether they want to or not, the parties appear set to lock heads throughout this fall. At least we have football.

aparker@usnews.com

Twitter: @AlexParkerDC



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Sunday, September 25, 2011

Bernanke Leaves Door Open for More Easing, Chides Congress

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Ben Bernanke 2.0 turned out to be a lot more sober than the original version.

Last year, at the annual Federal Reserve symposium in Jackson Hole, Bernanke outlined an array of monetary policy options, including what came to be known as QE2 for "quantitative easing," a second dose of the nation's central bank buying up hundreds of billions of dollars in assets held by financial instituions in order to boost money supply.

But with the U.S. economy moribund—growth in the second-quarter gross domestic product was revised downward today to 1.0 percent from an already weak 1.3 percent—Bernanke has few options left. So, he spoke instead of doing all that is possible to keep the economy afloat while tossing a few barbs in the direction of Capitol Hill. But that was enough to send the stock market soaring, even though Hurricane Irene was steaming full speed toward Wall Street.

[Read about how Rick Perry pushed Bernanke into the political limelight.]

In his long-awaited remarks, Bernanke asserted that the Fed "has a range of tools that could be used to provide additional monetary stimulus," and that the central bank would continue to consider those tools at the September Federal Open Market Committee meeting, which has now been extended from one day to two days. Instead, Bernanke emphasized the need for sound economic policy on a broader scale, touching briefly on a range of topics, including housing, trade, taxation, education, healthcare, and the recent debt ceiling fight.

Bernanke's lack of expansiveness surprised some. "I would have expected him to expand a little bit more on [the possibility of more monetary stimulus], and instead, he kept his cards very close to his vest this time around, which is different from one year ago," says Adolfo Laurenti, deputy chief economist at Mesirow Financial, a Chicago-based financial services firm.

Bernanke instead spent a significant portion of his speech examining the financial crisis, recession, and recovery that created the current U.S. economic situation, and then addressed broader economic conditions that could affect future growth, like weaknesses in the educational system and an aging population. He also emphasized the need for creating a "sustainable path" for U.S. fiscal policy without disregarding the "fragility of the current economic recovery."

The Fed chairman also issued a rebuke to Capitol Hill for the recent shenanigans over the debt ceiling. As the final point in his speech, Bernanke noted that the months-long fight over whether to pay the nation's bills could lead to future troubles, including a global crisis of confidence. "The negotiations that took place over the summer disrupted financial markets and probably the economy as well, and similar events in the future could, over time, seriously jeopardize the willingness of investors around the world to hold U.S. financial assets or to make direct investments in job-creating U.S. businesses," he said.

[See how EU austerity could hurt economic growth.]

The pointedness of these remarks was uncharacteristic of the rhetoric that usually emanates from the cloisters of the Fed. "I think it was interesting the emphasis the chairman put on discussing fiscal policy and policy-making at large," says Laurenti. "I really think the surprising thing to me was how broad his remarks were, and I think that was an implicit rebuke of the debacle that we have seen [surrounding raising the debt ceiling]. He was very explicit about that."

While the speech did not include specific discussion of further monetary stimulus, it also did not rule out such a move. In fact, Bernanke's remarks hinted that the door is still open to further easing. Bernanke said that the FOMC "is prepared to employ its tools as appropriate," and also crucially discounted the risk of inflation, saying that the Fed expects inflation to "settle, over coming quarters, at levels at or below the rate of 2 percent, or a bit less, that most [Federal Open Market] Committee participants view as being consistent with our dual mandate." This is a key point, as one drawback to major monetary stimulus is the possibility of spurring or accelerating inflation.



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Saturday, September 24, 2011

What Bernanke Wants Congress To Do

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It would be nice if he just came out and said what was on his mind. But that's not the way the chairman of the Federal Reserve usually speaks. Still, Ben Bernanke is getting a lot more talkative when it comes to the nation's economic problems.

Part of the Fed's job is to keep inflation in check, which it has done, for the most part. But the Fed is also charged with keeping unemployment low, which may be far beyond its power. Since the politicians in Congress and the White House can't get anything done without brawling, the Fed now seems like the last hope for any new policies to jump-start the flagging recovery. The Fed is running out of options however, as Bernanke himself implicitly acknowledged in his recent Jackson Hole speech. "Most of the economic policies that support robust economic growth in the long run are outside the province of the central bank," he reminded a worldwide audience.

[See 7 ways Obama can gain credibility on jobs.]

The Fed has already done more than any other branch of government to forestall a depression, end a financial panic, and sow the seeds of economic recovery. While not always popular, the Fed's moves have certainly been aggressive. Under Bernanke, the Fed has rescued insurance giant AIG, granted more than $1 trillion in emergency loans to U.S. and European banks, slashed interest rates, and undertaken risky "quantitative easing" programs to help boost stock prices. As the Fed exhausts its arsenal, however, Bernanke has been dropping louder and louder hints about what Congress ought to do to pick up the slack. Here are some of the main suggestions embedded in Bernanke's typically circumspect rhetoric:

Reduce the national debt. Like nearly all economists, Bernanke is unequivocal about this. "U.S. fiscal policy must be placed on a sustainable path that ensures that debt relative to national income is at least stable or, preferably, declining over time," he said in his Jackson Hole speech. Bernanke also seems disgusted by the destructive political brinksmanship during the recent battle over the debt ceiling, which damaged confidence, sent stock markets reeling and ultimately left all the biggest issues unresolved. "The country would be well served by a better process for making fiscal decisions," Bernanke noted drily.

Get entitlements under control. This too is a refrain often heard among economists, since the cost of Medicare and Medicaid in particular is rising at a pace that will bankrupt the U.S. government eventually. "The increasing fiscal burden that will be associated with the aging of the population and the ongoing rise in the costs of health care make prompt and decisive action in this area all the more critical," Bernanke said.

[See how the debt fiasco damaged the economy.]

Formulate a plan now…. In a June speech, Bernanke said that "acting now to put in place a credible plan for reducing future deficits would not only enhance economic performance in the long run, but could also yield near-term benefits by leading to lower long-term interest rates and increased consumer and business confidence." Congress didn't listen. Instead, the outcome of the summer debt-ceiling battle was a plan to cut a bit of spending now, with more unspecified cuts to be determined later. And the debt deal wrecked consumer and business confidence instead of boosting it, since Republicans demonstrated economic recklessness and Democrats seemed managerially incompetent.

… But phase it in gradually. America's biggest economic problem at the moment isn't the national debt, it's chronic joblessness and a weak economy bordering on a double-dip recession. That's why it's important to enact a credible debt-reduction plan now, but wait a few years before spending cuts or other austerity measures go into effect. In Bernankespeak: "Policymakers could commit to enacting in the near term a clear and specific plan for stabilizing the ratio of debt to GDP within the next few years and then subsequently setting that ratio on a downward path."

Help fix the housing market. Stimulus plans have become unpopular, but since the economy isn't really recovering on its own, the case for renewed government action is growing stronger. One area the government could target is housing, which is a huge drag on the economy that hasn't benefitted as once hoped from bank bailouts and low interest rates. In Jackson Hole, Bernanke singled out housing as a key sector that usually helps drive the economy out of recession, but this time is holding back the recovery instead. And while he thinks housing will bounce back eventually, he argued that "good, proactive housing policies could help speed that process." The Obama administration is supposedly looking at new ways to help distressed homeowners, which could make a homeowner-bailout plan one of the big political battles between the White House and Congress this fall.

[See why there might be a homeowner bailout]

Consider a value-added tax. There's growing consensus that America needs tax reform in order to reduce loopholes for favored groups and special interests and revert to a simplified tax structure—perhaps with lower rates. "To the fullest extent possible," Bernanke said, "our nation's tax and spending policies should increase incentives to work and to save." That's economist code for a value-added tax or VAT, which would basically amount to a national sales tax on most things people buy. Many economists would like to see lower taxes on income—which would raise the return on labor and therefore increase the incentive to work—combined with higher taxes on goods and services, which would make buying stuff more expensive and therefore encourage people to spend less and save more. The simplest way to do that is with a VAT, which most developed nations have. Bernanke hasn't endorsed the idea outright, and many conservatives are deeply opposed because they feel it would simply generate a lot of new revenue for the government to spend. To have any chance, a VAT would probably have to be combined with deep cuts in income and corporate taxes.

Invest in R&D and infrastructure. Bernanke would also like to see tax and spending policies that "encourage investments in the skills of our workforce, stimulate private capital formation, promote research and development, and provide necessary public infrastructure." That might require new or enhanced tax breaks for things like hiring or retraining workers, bringing more multinational profits back to the United States and investing in R&D. The Obama administration may also try to develop an "infrastructure bank" that would use government guarantees to back private investment meant to improve the nation's roads, bridges and other byways.

[See 5 economically illiterate campaign themes.]

Abolish the legislative branch. Okay, Bernanke didn't go quite that far, but he dished up some of the most pointed criticism of leading politicians to come out of a Fed chairman's mouth in recent memory. "The negotiations that took place over the summer," he said, "disrupted financial markets and probably the economy as well, and similar events in the future could, over time, seriously jeopardize the willingness of investors around the world to hold U.S. financial assets or to make direct investments in job-creating U.S. businesses." In other words, Bernanke, like many Americans, found that key policy-making negotiations between the legislative and executive branches failed the nation.

What the Fed chairman would like to see instead: Inviolable goals and targets for reducing the debt, with enforcement mechanisms that guarantee it'll happen. "Of course," he added, "formal budget goals and mechanisms do not replace the need for fiscal policymakers to make the difficult choices that are needed to put the country's fiscal house in order, which means that public understanding of and support for the goals of fiscal policy are crucial." That's a mouthful, so here's a translation: Congress, get a clue.

Twitter: @rickjnewman



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